By Eric M. Wallace, PhD
“We wish to plead our own cause. Too long have others spoken for us. Too long has the public been deceived by misrepresentations, in things which concern us dearly… “ (Editors of Freedom’s Journal Newspaper, 1827)
This past week (March 20th 2010) in Chicago, almost 183 years after the publication of the first black newspaper (March 16th 1827), noted commentator and speaker Tavis Smiley convened a group of African American “leaders” to discuss the Black agenda. The summit was to address the question, “Is there a need for a Black Agenda?” In reality, as revealed in ensuing discussion, the real question became: “The growing disparity between Whites and Blacks, and how the first black President is addressing these issues? And equally, should he be held accountable, as past presidents”?
Not surprisingly, the panel of twelve was stacked with “left” leaning Black political activist and scholars who’s predictable answers [with few exceptions from Dorothy Tillman]—never veered far from the same old ‘song and dance’. The only thing missing was the token “black conservative” Smiley typically includes to ensure a ‘fair and balanced’ outcome for the famous “State of Black America” address.
Since there were no “token” conservatives on the panel [although, there were a number of us scattered throughout the audience], I consider it my duty to give you the opinion from one who would have loved to take part on the panel—to express the “other” point of view.
There were a number of things that stood out to me but three, in particular, which need to be addressed. They are the mischaracterization of the Constitution, the misquoting and misinterpretation of the Bible and the lack of historical context.
Early in the discussions, panel participants Dr. Dyson and Dr. West dismissed the Constitution as a pro-slavery and patriarchal document. Hence, any argument based on constitutional legitimacy was basically ejected from the conversation in a matter of a few words. But I would have reminded these scholars that the esteemed Frederick Douglass [whose name was mentioned as an historical backdrop to this discussion] would disagree with their assessment. Douglass initially viewed the Constitution as a pro-slavery document; but later changed his mind. He said of the preamble that:
Its language is “we the people”; not we the white people, not even we the citizens, not we the privileged class, not we the high, not we the low, but we the people; not we the horses, sheep, and swine, and wheel-barrows, but we the people; and if Negroes are people, they are included in the benefits for which the Constitution of the United States of America was ordained and established.” (The Constitution of the United States: Is it Pro-Slavery or Anti-Slavery?” Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, Vol. 2, 473.)
The quick dismissal of the ‘rule of law’ for our country negates all arguments about the Constitutionally of a government program or subsidy.
Again, Douglass argued that the Constitution, taken literally, was an anti-slavery document. It was in the manipulation of the text by disingenuous people that the Constitution was misinterpreted, just like the Bible, and used to condone slavery. Douglass asserted:
“They have given the Constitution a slaveholding interpretation. I admit it. Thy have committed innumerable wrongs against the Negro in the name of the Constitution. Yes, I admit it all; and I go with him who goes farthest in denouncing these wrongs. But it does not follow that the Constitution is in favour of these wrongs because the slaveholders have given it that interpretation. To be consistent in his logic, the City Hall speaker must follow the example of some of his brothers in America — he must not only fling away the Constitution, but the Bible. The Bible must follow the Constitution, for that, too, has been interpreted for slavery by American divines.”
This reference to the Bible leads me to my second observation. The panelists (albeit progressives) love to site the Bible to justify their actions as “just and pure” with an over abiding care for their fellow man. Strangely, what they don’t see is how they misquote and take out of context the biblical mandates. The most commonly misused of these mandates is found in Matthew 25:31-46, in general, and verses 40, 45, in particular. In these verses the Son of Man (Jesus) or the King returns to judge the nations (ethnos—people). People will be divided into two groups the sheep and the goats. The sheep are judged first then the goats. Both are judge based on how they treated the “least of these” who are described as the hungry, the thirsty, and the stranger. Progressives see these texts as mandates for what government should be doing—feeding the hungry, giving water to the thirsty, housing the homeless and, now, health care—basically taking care of the poor. But the text says nothing of the kind. This is not addressed to “governments”—but to “individuals”. All the preceding parables and illustrations are about ‘personal responsibility’. Starting in Chapter 24: 45 through 25:30 Jesus relates stories of the Faithful servant (24:45-51) the Wise and foolish virgins (25:1-13) and the Parable of the Talents (25:14-30). The context here is that of being ready for the return of the King, and one’s faithfulness to His teachings (Matthew 5-7).
There is absolutely no government mandate in these texts. They are mandates to the Church, in general, and individuals, in particular. Those who follow the clear teachings of Jesus enter into eternity: those who do not, enter into eternal punishment. It is not the government’s job to clothe, to feed, visit the sick and imprisoned or to force people to do it. In these texts people obey the King because they are in relationship with Him.
The panelists repeatedly used these, and other scriptures, to defend Government largess, especially for the alleviation of hardship for people of color. Unfortunately, what they fail to understand is that any attempt to engage one’s government in benevolence generally emasculates its recipients. Let me call on the words of Frederick Douglass again:
In regard to the colored people, there is always more that is benevolent, I perceive, than just, manifested towards us. What I ask for the Negro is not benevolence, not pity, not sympathy, but simply justice. The American people have always been anxious to know what they shall do with us… I have had but one answer from the beginning. Do nothing with us! Your doing with us has already played the mischief with us. Do nothing with us! If the apples will not remain on the tree of their own strength, if they are worm-eaten at the core, if they are early ripe and disposed to fall, let them fall! … And if the Negro cannot stand on his own legs, let him fall also. All I ask is, give him a chance to stand on his own legs! Let him alone! … your interference is doing him positive injury. “What the Black Man Wants” — speech in Boston, Massachusetts (1865-01-26).
Now, the words of Booker T. Washington: “No greater injury can be done to any youth than to let him feel that because he belongs to this or that race he will be advanced in life regardless of his own merits or efforts.” Both, Douglass and Washington, warn against the temptation to ‘do for others, what they can do for themselves’.
Ironically, one of the most interesting comments from the summit was that of Louis Farrakhan, who on issues of theology and race we’d find few reasons to agree, but on issues of economics and self-help I found myself in agreement. He chastised the idea that government should (or could) do anything to help Black people. I would agree; and take it one step further to suggest that we need the government’s help means that we are somehow unable to fend for ourselves. I reject this notion without reservation. Farrakhan whose eloquent denouncement of “victim hood” fell short when, like everyone else at the table, he still wanted something from Uncle Sam.
Again, I’m reminded of the words of Douglass. He said that, “Our destiny is largely in our own hands. If we find, we shall have to seek. If we succeed in the race of life it must be by our own energies, and by our own exertions. Others may clear the road, but we must go forward, or be left behind in the race of life.” There is no room in this declaration of Black independence for government programs.
Lastly, the panel’s historical background was, and is, skewed. Not only did they fail to recognize the “conservative” ideology of many of our black historical leaders (Douglass, Washington, and others)—they failed to include the role of the Church in their Black Agenda Summit. How do you have a Black agenda without engaging the Church in the conversation? Where was (is) the moral outcry not only against infant mortality rates, but also for the rate at which African American women abort their babies? How do you talk about Black-on-Black crime rates without mentioning the transforming power of the gospel message that has been part of the black experience throughout the ages? It was the Church and the gospel message that gave slaves (and former slaves) the will to press on when the odds were against them.
Dr. King lamented in the Letter from a Birmingham jail that the Church used to be an agent of change. He stated that, “In those days the church was not merely a thermometer that recorded the ideas and principles of popular opinion; it was a thermostat that transformed the mores of society.” This summit underscores an unfortunate fact that the Church and the Gospel of Jesus Christ no longer hold a place of prominence in the hearts and minds of these ‘Leaders.’ It is my humble opinion that without the Church our society, in general, and the black community, in particular, will never reach the full potential that God intended for us.
It leaves one to wonder if Booker T. Washington’s observations still holds true today when he said:
“There is a class of colored people who make a business of keeping the troubles, the wrongs, and the hardships of the Negro race before the public. Having learned that they are able to make a living out of their troubles, they have grown into the settled habit of advertising their wrongs-partly because they want sympathy and partly because it pays. Some of these people do not want the Negro to lose his grievances, because they do not want to lose their jobs.”
I began this article with a quote from the editor’s of the Freedom’s Journal Newspaper (1827). Without question, we still suffer the same fate: There are far too many who “speak” on behalf of the Black community who don’t necessarily speak for us—nor do they share our values. Hence, a new standard is emerging (Freedom’s Journal Magazine), which calls upon the Church to “Stand for what we say we believe and actively engage in the political process that represents us.” (Editors, FJM 2008). The question is, will the Church heed this call to once again become a ‘thermostat’ capable of transforming society’s mores?
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